American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity

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American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) is a coal industry front group formed by merging Americans for Balanced Energy Choices (ABEC) and the Center for Energy and Economic Development (CEED).

A press release from ACCCE on April 17, 2008 announced "More than 40 leading U.S. companies from the electricity generation, transportation, coal production, energy technology, and equipment manufacturing industries have aligned to create the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE). ... ACCCE believes that the use of coal, America’s most abundant energy resource, is essential to providing affordable, reliable electricity for millions of American consumers and a growing domestic economy. ACCCE also supports enhanced public and private sector efforts to develop and deploy new, advanced clean coal technologies that protect and improve the environment. The formation of ACCCE results from a consolidation of the Center for Energy and Economic Development (CEED) and Americans for Balanced Energy Choices (ABEC).[1] As of March 2010, there are 38 members. [2] Several companies were disclosed as initial supporters of this organization, but references to their support has recently been deleted:

Support for the American Legislative Exchange Council

The American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity was a "Chairman" level sponsor of the 2011 American Legislative Exchange Council Annual Conference, which in 2010 equated to $50,000.[3] Furthermore, its President and CEO, Steve Miller, was a featured speaker at a Workshop at the 2011 Annual Meeting titled "A Smarter Aproach to Improving Our Environment: Addressing the Costs of Proposed EPA Regulations on Energy Affordability."[4]

About ALEC
ALEC is a corporate bill mill. It is not just a lobby or a front group; it is much more powerful than that. Through ALEC, corporations hand state legislators their wishlists to benefit their bottom line. Corporations fund almost all of ALEC's operations. They pay for a seat on ALEC task forces where corporate lobbyists and special interest reps vote with elected officials to approve “model” bills. Learn more at the Center for Media and Democracy's ALECexposed.org, and check out breaking news on our PRWatch.org site.


The front group previously known as ABEC

Formed in 2000 to develop astroturf support for coal-based electricity, Americans for Balanced Energy Choices (ABEC) promotes the interests of mining companies, coal transporters, and electricity producers. A domain name search reveals that ABEC's website is registered to the coal industry trade organization Center for Energy and Economic Development. (ABEC originally used the www.balancedenergy.org domain but later switched to a website titled America's Power).

From ABEC's website: "Americans for Balanced Energy Choices (ABEC) is a national, non-profit organization designed to promote a dialogue with community leaders across the U.S. on issues involving America's growing demand for electricity. ABEC will advocate in support of policies that strike the proper balance between protecting the environment and providing for continued economic growth and prosperity for America's working families.

"Because they recognize the essential role that electricity from coal plays in protecting the environment while providing over half of the electricity used each day in the U.S., America's coal-based electricity industry (producers, transporters, and electricity generators) have provided the primary initial funding for this worthwhile project." [5]

Activities

ABEC's promotion of coal-generated electricity ignores or downplays concerns about current industry emission levels and their links to health and environmental concerns.

Outreach by ABEC has included program underwriting on National Public Radio in the spring of 2002 promoting coal as America's energy source of the future. [6] ABEC also produced a short subject video that played on United Airlines flights. According to ABEC, the video "discusses coal's role in providing reliable, affordable, and increasingly clean electricity for American homes, schools, and businesses."

2011 Report: EPA Regulations to cost $18 billion

In June 2011, ACCCE released a report stating that clean-air rules proposed by the Obama administration would cost utilities $17.8 billion annually and raise electricity rates 11.5 percent on average in 2016. ACCCE paid for National Economic Research Associates Inc. to conduct the report, which a Bloomberg report described "as part of a campaign to delay compliance deadlines in the pending rules." The report estimated that regulations cutting emissions of mercury, sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides would lead to the “premature” retirements of coal-fired power plants that can generate 47.8 gigawatts of electricity, about 15 percent of coal’s U.S. production capacity.

Representative Ed Whitfield, a Kentucky Republican and chairman of the energy subcommittee of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, has said he plans to introduce a bill to give utilities more time to comply with the rules. New maximum levels for nitrogen oxides, a component of smog, and sulfur dioxide, which causes acid rain, are scheduled to take effect in 2012. The US Environmental Protection Agency is under a court order to produce a final mercury rule in November 2011. Utilities would have as long as four years to meet the mercury standard.[7]

Clean coal ads

According to Issue Ads @ APPC, ABEC sponsored three TV ads that ran a total of 845 times in Washington, D.C. in 2002.

"One ad stated that Americans 'are learning that advancements in clean coal technologies are effectively making our environment cleaner.' According to a second ad, 'electricity from coal is an increasingly clean source of energy.' The ad said that according to the U.S. Department of Energy, 'new coal-based power plants built beginning in about 2020 may well use technologies that are so advanced that they'll be virtually pollution-free.' Another ad, which aired in 2001 as well as 2002, stated that over 50% of the American energy supply comes from coal. The ad advocated coal power as a principal energy supply, noting that $50 billion was invested in creating technologies that make coal power cleaner and safe for the environment."

In 2001, ABEC ran one TV ad a total of 940 times in Washington, D.C. "The ad, which also appeared in 2002, stated that over 50% of the American energy supply comes from coal. The ad advocated coal power as a principal energy supply, noting that $50 billion was invested in creating technologies that make coal power cleaner and safe for the environment.[8]

2008 presidential campaign outreach

In September 2007, ABEC released "requests for proposal," seeking public relations help "in targeting the public, politicians, interest groups, and the media" on the national level, and also in Pennsylvania and Nevada. In the proposals, ABEC stated "Nevada (DOC) is perhaps one of the most volatile states in the west regions for ABEC's industry," so its PR work in the state includes issues management, as well as presidential candidate outreach and identifying "cities and communities critical to helping shape policy at the grassroots level." ABEC's Pennsylvania (DOC) PR campaign is less intense, involving "regulatory / legislative communications," "grassroots assistance," and various types of media outreach. [9]

The National Journal reported that ABEC's budget for PR, advertising and "grassroots" organizing quadrupled, from $8 million to $30 million a year, from 2007 to 2008. "Two words sum up why" the coal industry and its allies "opened their checkbooks," wrote the Journal -- "global warming." [9]

In 2007, ABEC advertised during the CNN/YouTube Republican presidential candidate debates.

In January 2008, the Washington Post reported that ABEC "is waging a $35 million campaign in primary and caucus states to rally public support for coal-fired electricity and to fuel opposition to legislation that Congress is crafting to slow climate change." As of mid-January, ABEC had spent $1.3 million on ads in Iowa, Nevada and South Carolina. The ads talked about "clean coal" and "70 percent cleaner" coal plants, though those reductions have been mostly in non-greenhouse gases. [10]

ABEC also deployed staffers to the January 15, 2008, Democratic candidates' debate. "About 50 people, many of them paid, walked around as human billboards and handed out leaflets outside Tuesday's Democratic debate in Nevada with questions for voters to ask the candidates," reported the Washington Post. [10]

In August 2008, the group, now ACCCE, planned to spend $2 million at the Democratic and Republican National Conventions promoting "clean coal" as the nation's energy solution. The Center for Public Integrity found that ACCCE spent $4.7 million on lobbying and efforts in the first six months of 2008 - more than any other organization devoted solely to influencing climate change legislation, and more than five times the amount spent by either the leading wind or solar industry groups.[11]

2010 mid-term election spending

In October 2010, the Center for American Progress reported that ACCCE had spent more than $16.3 million in 2010, including $3,005,540 on a national ad and buys in Washington, D.C., Montana, and Texas over the previous three months. The group had budgeted $20 million for online campaigns.[12]

Leaked memo on coal marketing strategies

In January 2009, a 2004 leaked memo to then Peabody CEO Irl F. Engelhardt from Steve Miller, who was President of the Center for Energy and Economic Development (now called American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity), detailed the public relations and lobbying strategies being used to counteract issues including climate change, mercury, plant development, and EPA rulings. Miller details methods used to "sow discord" among regions seeking to limit greenhouse gas emissions.[13][14]

Other strategies revealed in the memo include:[13][14]

  • On climate change: "In the climate change arena, CEED focuses on three areas: opposing government-mandated controls of greenhouse gases (GHG), opposing 'regulation by litigation', and supporting sequestration and technology as the proper vehicles for addressing any reasonable concerns about greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere."
  • More on climate change: "Our belief is that, on climate change like other issues, you must be for something rather than against everything. The combination of carbon sequestration and technology is what we preach and we are looking for more members in the choir."
  • On regional cap and trade programs: "More than a year ago, New York Governor Pataki proposed an eleven-state regional CO2 cap and trade program. CEED has been engaged in this effort from its beginning. Persuading Pennsylvania and Maryland (as major coal-consuming states) to stay on the sidelines, rather than signing onto this initiative, has been one element of our strategy. The other element is to pose voluntary sequestration and technology as the correct policy, rather than mandatory controls."
  • On mercury: "Our strategy in dealing with mercury has been two-fold: prevent states from taking precipitous or unwarranted action to regulate mercury and engage in the federal rulemaking to protect the interests of coal-based electricity."
  • More on mercury: "In 2003, the Quicksilver Caucus with ECOS [Environmental Council of States] tried to pass a resolution calling for the "virtual elimination" of mercury. CEED worked in a coalition with other organizations and companies to convince many states that the Quicksilver strategy was not the right approach and the "virtual elimination" verbiage failed."
  • On proposed CO2 regulation by the EPA: "About a dozen states sued the EPA last year alleging that the agency must regulate CO2 under the Clean Air Act. CEED was the lead organization for outreach to the vast majority of state attorneys general who intervened on the Bush Administration's side in new litigation designed to force CO2 regulation under the Clean Air Act."

The Hawthorn Group's work for ACCCE

For their efforts[15] on behalf of ACCCE, Virginia-based public relations firm The Hawthorn Group was Runner Up for The Showalter Group’s Annual Political Involvement Program Innovation Award For Accomplishments in PAC, Grassroots & Technology in 2008[16],

In late 2008, Suzanne Hammelman, Senior Partner of The Hawthorn Group, sent out a lengthy report to "friends and family" outlining the work that Hawthorn had done on behalf of the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity. The newletter is worth quoting in toto, since it accurately outlines in detail how Hawthorn promoted coal during the Presidential election.[17][18]

We thought the most fixated of the political and communications "junkies" might find interesting some highlights of a recent grassroots campaign Hawthorn created and managed for the American Coalition of Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE).
It was a great program and we want to thank ACCCE for the opportunity to be a part of this amazing effort that also included targeted advertising and traditional and online media relations.
This campaign was focused in key states during the 2008 primary and general election campaign. Our challenge was to get the candidates, media, and opinion "influencers" to start talking about the importance of American coal to our energy future and the need to fund clean coal technology.
Even in a communication-saturated environment we achieved, even exceeded, our wildest expectations (and we believe those of our client!). Not only did we raise the awareness of the issue, but we got the major candidates on both sides of the aisle talking about the issue in the debates, at campaign rallies and in interviews. We did this by finding creative ways to increase the visibility of the issue and by demonstrating strong voter support. We successfully integrated traditional communication and grassroots tactics with online strategies and tools.
The presidential campaign concluded with both candidates, their running mates and surrogates talking about and supporting clean coal technology. The issue was mentioned in all four general election debates. This was a 180-degree turn from earlier in the campaign when none of the candidates were focused on this issue.
The program also had an impact on the perception of coal among public opinion leaders. In September 2007, on the key measurement question—Do you support/oppose the use of coal to generate electricity?—we found 46 percent support and 50 percent oppose. In a 2008 year-end survey that result had shifted to 72 percent support and 22 percent oppose. Not only did we see significantly increased support, opposition was cut by more than half. Republican presidential candidate Sen. John McCain addresses a crowd wearing "Clean Coal hats" in Pennsylvania.
Building on our existing 200,000-strong grassroots citizen army, we leveraged the presidential candidates' own supporters, finding advocates for clean coal among the crowd to carry our message. We got these on-the-spot advocates to show strong public support to the candidates and to the media, and enhanced that visibility by integrating online media that created even more of a buzz. We did this by sending "clean coal" branded teams to hundreds of presidential candidate events, carrying a positive message (we can be part of the solution to climate change) which was reinforced by giving away free t-shirts and hats emblazoned with our branding: Clean Coal. Attendees at the candidate events wore these items into the events.
We nearly turned candidate events into clean coal rallies.
The sea of supporters cheering their candidate while wearing the ACCCE message was a game changer. We watched as our message was transmitted by shirts and hats waved by thousands of excited supporters from the stands of high school gyms, floors of hotel ballrooms and tables of crowded coffee shops.The pictures of our supporters were caught and broadcast by local and national media, including USA Today and Fox News. Soon our message was repeated back to us from the podium by the candidates themselves.
We used e-mail newsletters and social media Facebook, YouTube, Flickr to share the excitement and success with what we were doing both with our own members and the broader public. The content was driven by photos and videos of our teams interacting with candidates and the crowds at their events. As much as possible we got our "audience" talking to us about their support for clean coal. (Example: www.youtube.com)
Our visibility increased the numbers of people joining our grassroots network online by 190 percent, and increased traffic to our Web site by 186 percent. Some of our videos were in the top 100 watched in YouTube's non-profit category.
How did we do it? We took a two-pronged approach. The first part of our strategy was to raise visibility for clean coal at campaign events. The second part was to get media visibility in swing districts in the states by conducting media "whistle stop" tours.
CAMPAIGN EVENTS
Our approach at candidate events included the following:
  • We placed teams in early primary/caucus states, and key battleground states during the fall general election
  • We used branding for "clean coal" and "America's Power" consistent with our national advertising campaign
  • The team drove a branded, flex-fuel mini-van to events for added visibility
  • At each event, we handed out tee shirts and hats with "clean coal" and our logo and Web url; as well as literature on our issue, to as many event attendees as possible as they stood in line waiting to enter the event
  • In the colder months, we also gave out cups of coffee bearing our logo
  • Took hundreds of photos and shot video of our activities and posted on our Web site, blog, Facebook page, Flickr account and YouTube channel
  • We constantly mobilized our existing grassroots citizen army to mail and e-mail the candidates and ask for support of clean coal technology: Candidate Survey
  • As we attended rallies, campuses, diners and worked town squares, we distributed sign-up cards inviting voters to join our grassroots network
  • We routinely e-mailed our grassroots network our schedule, as well as links to the photos and videos online. Example e-mail
  • We created and passed out business cards with our Web site, blog, Facebook page, Flickr account and YouTube channel to campaign event attendees.
MEDIA WHISTLE STOP TOURS
The purpose of these tours was to raise the awareness of clean coal in communities we expected the candidates or their surrogates to visit. Elements included:
  • Using our internal polling, overlaid with national political polling, we targeted counties that we deemed to have a high percentage of swing voters.
  • We issued a media advisory letting the local media know a national "clean coal" campaign was coming to their town center.
  • We dropped by media outlets to distribute our media packets, have pictures taken and in some cases conduct an interview.
  • During these stops we would also visit the county courthouse, meet with local elected officials (many of whom are members of our existing grassroots citizen army) and visit local diners to distribute our materials, including clean coal placemats with our message and branding.
  • We would also visit any local colleges or universities and pass out hats, tee shirts and literature in the student unions or common area of campus.
  • In addition, we set up shop at local events where we were sure to draw the attention of large crowds, such as football games, the World Series games that were played in Philadelphia, county fairs and the North Carolina State Fair.
DURING THE ELECTION PHASE OF THE PROGRAM
  • We directly reached over 50,000 people at candidate events (talked with them, handed them information).
  • We indirectly reached over 1,000,000 people attending the candidate events (they saw our hats, t-shirts and other collateral). This does NOT count the people who saw news reports of our activities on TV and in the newspapers.
  • We traveled over 44,500 miles in the seven states—exposing many more people to the branded Clean Coal Vans and teams as they traveled through the states. (That's almost twice around the world at the equator!)
  • We stopped in 207 cities and towns along the way.
  • Our YouTube videos were viewed by over 17,000 people.
All of this produced a clear result: ACCCE found a way to break through the clutter and noise and make our issue front and center. President-elect Obama and Senator McCain, their running mates and their surrogates adopted our language and included it as part of their stump speeches. ACCCE shaped the debate by finding supporters of the candidates and turning them into clean coal advocates.
We believe this campaign is noteworthy because of our measurable success. It is different than other corporate, coalition and association campaigns because we used political campaign organizing effectively in a public affairs campaign and integrated traditional techniques with social media. It was innovative because we were able to find among the candidates' own supporters—in addition to our 200,000 member grassroots network—enough grassroots advocates to influence the candidates.
Here is what we learned
1. Social media requires socializing in the real world. Our YouTube videos became popular because they contained interactions between us and many voters in many states. It wasn't just us talking TO people, it was us talking WITH people and making them part of the story.
2. "Positive" sells. We took a difficult, controversial issue and presented it positively, talked to people about being part of a solution, and had fun.
3. Devising and implementing a strategy that focused on going where the news was happening and the crowds were gathering gave us greater results than trying to make people and news come to us.
We became an integral part of the story rather than fighting for news in a saturated communications environment.

PR and lobbying

In second quarter 2011, ACCCE spent $820,000 to lobby the federal government on several issues, including legislation to prevent the Environmental Protection Agency from regulating greenhouse gases, the proposed Energy Tax Prevention Act, and the Coal Residuals Reuse and Management Act. It spent $940,000 in the first quarter 2011, and $616,144 in the second quarter of 2010.[19]

2001-2008

According to the 2001 "O'Dwyer's Directory of Public Relations Firms," ABEC is listed as a client of the Denver-based MGA Communications. In its agency statement, MGA Communications specializes in "communications planning involving community involvement and education, sitings and compliance issues, public-private partnerships, 'green' product marketing, dispute resolution and crisis communications, media relations, primary research and marketing communications. MGA also has a substantial technology marketing and corporate reputation practice." [20]

ABEC's president Stephen Miller is a registered lobbyists for ABEC on energy and environmental issues, according to Lobbyist.info. CEED and the Willard Group have also lobbied on behalf of ABEC.

In September 2008 O'Dwyers PR Daily reported that ACCCE "is a client of Las Vegas-based R&R Partners.[21]

According to CQ Politics, between 2002 and 2007, Americans for Balanced Energy Choices, the predecessor of ACCCE, spent an average of $93,000 each year on federal lobbying. In 2008, ACCCE spent $9.9 million on federal lobbying in addition to $38 million for an ad campaign promoting "clean coal."[22]

The Center for Public Integrity (CPI) estimated ACCCE's lobbying expenses at a somewhat higher amount: $10,465,276 in 2008.[23]. CPI's "The Climate change Lobby" database lists ACCE's 2008 lobbyists, based on public records, as:

ACCCE lobbying firm forges letters to U.S. Congressman

In July 2009, lobbying firm Bonner and Associates was caught forging letters to Representative Tom Perriello (Dem-VA) and two other congressmen. The letters were supposedly from Virginia-based minority groups, including the Jefferson Area Board for Aging, the Senior Center Inc., the Charlottesville NAACP, and Creciendo Juntas -- complete with their stationery -- and urged the congressmen to oppose the Waxman-Markey Climate Bill. Bonner & Associates apologized, saying the letters were sent by "mistake." [27] Perriello is one of the co-sponsors of the Clean Water Protection Act, a bill aimed at slowing the practice of mountaintop removal coal mining.

The American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity later admitted that Bonner was working on its behalf, as a subcontractor for the Hawthorn Group. ACCCE said it didn't know about the fake letters beforehand or condone them. In total, the House of Representatives has identified 14 fake letters sent by Bonner to three Democratic Representatives -- Tom Perriello, Kathy Dahlkemper (Dem-PA) and Chris Carney (Dem-PA). Carney and Dahlkemper voted against the Waxman-Markey bill.[28][29]

Congressman Ed Markey, the co-author of the Waxman-Markey Climate Bill and the Chair of the Select Committee on Energy Independence and Global Warming, opened an investigation into the faked letters. He wrote the lobbying firm's founder, Jack Bonner, "asking a dozen lengthy questions about the letters," reported the New York Times, including "who hired it to lobby on their behalf, how much it was paid, in which congressional districts it operates in, the extent of its activities in those districts as well as information about the employee that was responsible for the mailing of the letters." Markey gave Bonner August 12, 2009 as the deadline to respond. [28] The Sierra Club asked Attorney General Eric Holder to open a separate Justice Department investigation into the matter. [30]

Head of ACCCE testifies before Congress

On October 29, 2009, ACCCE president and CEO Joe Miller testified before the House Energy Independence and Global Warming Committee about the forged letters sent by subcontractor Bonner & Associates. In his testimony, Miller claimed that his organization had never opposed the Waxman-Markey Climate Bill. However, an official June 2009 press release specifically stated, "ACCCE cannot support this bill, as it is written, because the legislation still does not adequately protect consumers and the domestic economy or ensure that the American people can continue to enjoy the benefits of affordable, reliable electricity, which has been so important to our nation."[31] Miller also said that ACCCE has only lobbied Congress since April 2008, despite extensive records of the group's lobbying efforts for many years prior. The comments sparked accusations that Miller lied under oath and suggestions that the Justice Department may open a criminal perjury probe.[32][31]

ACCCE launches $1 million campaign to lobby Senate Democrats

Despite the growing scandal over forged letters sent by a subcontractor of the Hawthorn Group, ACCCE started hired the lobbying firm again to launch a $1 million campaign to gain support from Senate Democrats. Joe Lucas, an ACCCE spokesman, described the falsified letters as an "isolated incident," and said the coal lobbying group was not going to "throw the baby out with the bath water here."[33]

The new campaign will target Senators at home over the August recess using online, radio, billboard, and television advertising to convey the message that coal plants can be clean and are needed to produce low-cost energy.[34] The lobbying effort that purports to rely on over 200,000 individuals dubbed America's Power Army, who will attend public events such as town hall meetings to address questions about U.S. energy policy to members of Congress. Watchdog group Public Citizen expressed concerns about the new campaign, saying that the identity of the volunteers and information about how they operate is not revealed to the public. Tyson Slocum of Public Citizen also said it is problematic that legislators will not know whether concerns they are hearing in their districts are organic or instead are being "orchestrated by hired guns working for the coal industry."[33]

In March 2010 it was announced that ACCCE spent $350,000 in the fourth quarter to lobby Congress and federal agencies on energy and environmental issues. The coalition spent $1.5 million on lobbying efforts in the fourth quarter of 2008 and $246,093 in July through September period of 2009.[35]

Duke Energy and Alstom Power leave ACCCE over climage change legislation

In September 2009, both Duke Energy and Alstom Power, a French company that makes parts for power plants, announced they were resigning from ACCCE. Both companies cited concerns about alliance's opposition of the Waxman-Markey Climate Bill, which is attempting to cap greenhouse gas emissions. Tim Brown, a spokesman for Alstom, said the company wanted to remove any doubt about its full support for the legislation.[36][37]

NRDC parody of America's Power website

In 2008, the environmental group NRDC created a website, COAL POWER: Warming America, Warming the Planet, parodying the "America's Power" campaign sponsored by ABEC, the predecessor to ACCCE. The parody website (which is clearly labelled as a project of NRDC), mimics the America's Power website design. It is sponsored by an organization called "Americans for Burning Every Chunk of Coal" (ABECC). On the site are "facts," an "ask the experts" section, and "news."

Membership

Membership in ACCCE is heavily weighted toward coal mining and transportation companies; i.e., enterprises that are heavily wedded to coal. Rural electric cooperatives, among the heaviest users of coal in the utility sector, are also well represented. In contrast, investor-owned electric utilities are fairly lightly represented, a reflection of the fact that most electric utilites are no longer seeking to build new coal-fired power plants. As of March 2010, the following organizations were members in ACCCE:[38]

Coal mining and mining services

Independent power producers

Investor-owned utilities

Rural electrics

Transportation

Other

Personnel

Executive names and salaries are as reported in ACCCE's 2006 report to the IRS: [39]

In May 2009, Lisa Camooso Miller became ACCCE's new vice-president of media relations. She previously worked for the National Community Pharmacists Association, was communications director for the Republican National Committee, deputy communications director for then-House Speaker Dennis Hastert and did public affairs work for George W. Bush administration Commerce Secretary Donald Evans. [43]

Funding

In 2006, under the name "Center for Energy and Economic Development," ACCCE reported $2,500,556 in assets and $7,802,486 in income. The vast majority of the group's income -- $7,203,781 -- came from membership fees. ACCCE reported spending $3,033,072 on executive and other employee salaries and benefits. ACCCE reported spending $938,070 on lobbying, an additional $15,700 on "issue advocacy," and $751,359 on "regulatory monitoring." [39]

Contact information

American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity Website http://www.cleancoalusa.org/
Phone: 703-684-6292

Address 333 John Carlyle Street, Suite 530
Alexandria, Virginia 22314

Individual contact Steve Gates, Senior Communications Director
Email: SGates AT cleancoalusa.org
Phone: 703-302-1223 (direct), (703) 684-7473 (national office)

Americans for Balanced Energy Choices
P.O. Box 1638
Alexandria, Virginia 22313
Phone: 1-877-358-6699
Web: http://www.americaspower.org

Articles and resources

Related SourceWatch articles

References

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