Jerry Lewis

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Jerry Lewis currently serves the 41st Congressional district of California

Charles Jeremy "Jerry" Lewis, a Republican, has represented the 41st District of California in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1979. (map)

Record and controversies

Iraq War

Lewis voted for the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 that started the Iraq War.[1]

For more information see the chart of U.S. House of Representatives votes on the Iraq War.

Environmental record

For more information on environmental legislation, see the Energy and Environment Policy Portal

Duke Cunningham and Brent Wilkes

After the fall of San Diego Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham investigators began to look at other lawmakers who had ties to the same contractors -- in this case the San Diego-based Brent Wilkes -- alleged to have bribed Cunningham. Lewis was quickly determined to be one of those lawmakers. The Redlands legislator had a history of working with Cunningham to help secure contracts for Wilkes' Poway, Calif. contracting businesses ADCS, Inc. and PerfectWave Technologies.[1] One San Diego military contractor called the Cunningham-Lewis duo "pretty frightening" and stated that they were "exerting a lot of control."[2]

According to the San Diego Union-Tribune, three months after Lewis became chairman of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee he received $17,000 from Wilkes and his associates. Wilkes was trying get a contract from the Pentagon to digitize documents in the Panama Canal Zone. However, the Pentagon did not want to give Wilkes' ADCS, Inc. the amount of money that he was asking for. Wilkes issued Cunningham a memo -- which was released in government documents along with Cunnginham's guilty plea -- stating, "We need $10 m(illion) more immediately . . . This is very important and if you cannot resolve this others will be calling also."[3] The "other" names have been blacked out from the document although the first letter of the first name begins with a "D" and the first letter of the second name begins with a "J".[4] Educated guesses have led some to state that the blacked out names are Duncan Hunter and Jerry Lewis.[5]

Both Lewis and Cunningham proceeded to cut funding for the F-22 fighter jet[6], which led the Pentagon to bow to their pressure and hand Wilkes the $10 million more for his document conversion contract. Later, when another lawmaker would threaten the F-22's funding Cunningham would label them a "socialist".[7]

Lewis has received $88,252 from Wilkes and his associates. He is the third-highest recipient of campaign contributions from Brent Wilkes trailing only Cunningham and John Doolittle, who is a self-professed friend of Wilkes. Lewis has stated that he knew Wilkes "socially years ago" and took a trip to Guatemala with Wilkes.[8] Wilkes worked in the 1980s bringing congressmen to Central America to meet with the counter-revolutionary militias that were "disappearing" thousands of civilians while battling the Marxist Sandinistas.

Bill Lowery and Fall-out from Duke Cunningham Case

After the conviction of Duke Cunningham on bribery charges, Lewis' ties to lobbyists and local defense contractors came under greater scrutiny. The San Diego Union-Tribune reported that Lewis "has greenlighted hundreds of millions of dollars in federal projects for clients of one of his closest friends, lobbyist and former state Congressman Bill Lowery."[9]

Lowery's lobbying firm and clients contributed 37 percent of the $1.3 million raised by Lewis' political action committee for the last six years. Lowery's business has boomed since Lewis' previous chairmanship of subcommitte for Defense Appropriations. The firm's income tripled from $1.58 million to $5.11 million and the client list multiplied from 28 to 101 since 1998. Many of the projects listed above were obtained with the lobbying prowess of Lowery and his firm.[10]

Creating greater problems for Lewis is the fact that one of those clients that hired Lowery is implicated in the bribery case involving Cunningham. The client, Brent Wilkes and his defense contracting empire, also contributed to Lewis' PAC.

On May 11, 2006 the Los Angeles Times reported that Lewis was the subject of a federal investigation for his relationship with "a Washington lobbyist linked to disgraced former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham". That "Washington lobbyist" was revealed to be Bill Lowery. Of particular interest to investigators are the actions of Lewis' staff, especially Jeffrey Shockey[11] and Letitia White[12][13][14]. Lewis has vehemently denied any impropriety in his actions stating that all of his earmarks were for "my constituents and my people." When contacted about the investigation Lewis expressed shock, "For goodness sake, why would they be doing that?"[15]

On June 1, the San Bernardino Sun reported that the City of Redlands, Calif. and San Bernardino County, both clients of Lowery's law firm, had been subpoenaed in the federal investigation into possible lobbying and earmarking abuses by Lowery's firm and Lewis.[16] Four days later it was revealed that two other clients of the law firm had also been subpoenaed, Cal State University San Bernardino and Riverside County, Calif.[17] Investigators are paying particularly close attention to Jeffrey Shockey, who shuttled between Lewis' office and Lowery's firm.[18] On June 6, three more cities, Loma Linda, Yucca Valley, and Twentynine Palms, stated that they had been issued subpoenas.[19] [20] Yet another city joined them on June 14, as Highland announced it had been issued a subpoena.[21] The total number of clients of Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White that have been issued subpoenas totals eight to date. [22] On June 13, the city of Redlands was reported to be considering terminating its' relationship with the lobbying group and on July 7th, the city council voted unanimously to do just that.[23][24]

After being subpoenaed, the San Bernardino Sun reported that the San Bernardino Country released 3,500 pages of documents showing the relationship between Jerry Lewis and the Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White lobbying firm. The documents show that the county used the firm to create “strategies to get federal funding,” work on “problems with endangered species,” and to “arrange meetings with senator and Congressmen". This includes meetings with Congressman Lewis. [25]

On June 16, the Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White lobbying firm announced that it was splitting into two groups as a result of increased media scrutiny. Partners Bill Lowery, Jean Denton, and Letitia White comprised the group expected to lead the existing full service consulting firm, while partners James Copeland and Lynn Jacquez left in order to form a separate partnership. Each of the involved partners remain focused on their client work, including discussing issues on Capitol Hill and working with regulatory agencies. [26]

On June 29, it was reported that the Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White lobbying firm failed to report $2 million in lobbying fees. Corrections were made once a federal investigation was launched, but these 90 revised disclosures to Congress led to a realization that figures had been misreported from 1998 to 2005. According to one legal expert, the firm is in "serious trouble." [27]

On June 30, it was reported that clients of the Copeland Lowery firm continued to give funds to Lewis just days after news surfaced of a federal investigation into his relationship with them. Lewis got at least $23,000 in donations from Copeland Lowery clients after this point, mostly from defense contractors. [28]

Letitia White

Lowery's firm employs Lewis' ex-chief of staff Letitia White, who is "is good at what she does." White was known as the gatekeeper to contractors seeking appropriations from Lewis. From her position on Lewis' staff she helped direct hundreds of millions of dollars to clients of Lowery. She was lavished with dinners and gifts by lobbyists and contractors like Brent Wilkes and Lowery because of her ability to influence Lewis. One Lockheed Martin official stated that she "controls" Lewis.[29]

In late 2002, Lewis cut White’s pay by $11,000, making her annual salary only $80 under the legal limit which would have prevented her from entering a private lobbying firm immediately after leaving Lewis’ office in January 2003. [30]

In 2003 White left Lewis' staff and jumped ship to Lowery's law firm. She quickly became one of the highest paid appropriations lobbyists and one of the most successful, earning the name "queen of earmarks".[31] According to the San Francisco Chronicle[32],

"Her more than 50 clients, mostly defense contractors and municipalities in California, have been major winners when Congress doles out federal money for special projects in its spending bills.
White's success is driven by her knowledge of the appropriations process and her close ties to Rep. Jerry Lewis, the Southern California Republican who chairs the House Appropriations Committee."[33]

The investigation into Lewis' earmarking practice has focused in on White's role and her lobbying practices. One of White's clients, San Bernardino County, has already been subpoenaed in the investigation. Also at issue are her ties to the contractors that she lobbies for and how those ties reach Lewis.

On June 7, 2006, the New York Times reported that shortly after leaving Lewis’ staff in 2003, White co-purchased a $1 million Washington house with Nicholas Karangelen, president of Trident Systems Inc., a client of the Copeland Lowery Jacques Denton & White lobbying firm.[34] Trident is one of the many companies that benefited from earmarks on bills originating in the House Defense Appropriations Subcommittee chaired by Lewis from 1999 to 2005. In 2002, the company received part of an $8 million joint contract for technology to survey battlefields.[35] In April of 2006, the company recieved $8.4 million in earmarks for a project that was put into an emergency spending bill to fund the Iraqi war.[36] Lobbying laws require that Karangelen’s contribution towards the Washington house be disclosed if it was a payment to White for services. Patrick Dorton, a spokesman for White, claimed the house transaction was between friends, and in no way related to any, “fee arrangement or work for Trident.”[37]

The occupant of the Capitol Hill townhouse is a political action committee chaired by Karangelen called Small Biz Tech PAC. The PAC happens to be run by Lewis' step-daughter, Julia Willis-Leon who runs the PAC from Las Vegas, Nevada.[38] Small Biz Tech PAC's goal is to establish support for small technology businesses by contributing to candidates that support these businesses. The PAC has taken in $115,350 in contributions, but only doled out $15,600.[39] One-third of the money taken in has gone to pay Willis-Leon's salary of $42,000. Barely topping Willis-Leon's salary is the amount of money that was contributed by Letitia White, her husband, and her clients to the Small Biz Tech PAC. Combined they contributed $46,000.[40]

Jeffrey Shockey

Lewis and Lowery's close connections were further exposed by a February 2006 Time Magazine report on Lewis staffer/Lowery lobbyist Jeffrey Shockey. Shockey began his career on Capitol Hill working for Lewis for eight years. He then left his post in 1999 to join Lowery's lobbying firm. "Many of his new clients, including municipalities, hospitals and lesser-known universities, were from Lewis's district" and had business before Lewis and the Appropriations Committee. Shockey "helped win at least $150 million in pork for an array of clients," with the help of earmarks added to appropriations bills.[41]

When Lewis took over the Appropriations Committee he brought Shockey back to work for him, while Shockey's wife went to work for the very lobbying firm that her husband had just left. Shockey received a $600,000 severance package from the Lowery firm and continued to receive payments from the buyout even as he worked for Lewis.[42]

An updated version of Shockey's financial disclosure forms show that the severance package he received when he quit the lobbying firm to go back to work for Lewis was actually for $1.9 million and not the previously reported amount of $600,000.[43]

On June 14, 2006, Shockey announced that he amended his 2004 financial disclosure form to show $2 million in yearly income rather than $1.5 million. The mistake, according to his attorney, occurred because $1.5 million was his 2003 salary; this figure was used in 2004 because he had filed an extension for his 2004 taxes and had not yet calculated his income for 2004 at the time of the initial disclosure. [44]

On September 21, 2006, the House Ethics Committee cleared Shockey of any wrongdoing in the matter. [45]

Audre. Inc.

On June 8, 2006, the San Diego Union-Tribune reported that Tom Casey, founder of Audre Inc., told NBC News that Lewis asked him for favors at a time when he was lobbying Congress for federal contracts. In 1993, Casey claims that Lewis requested he provide Canadian stock options to several Lewis’ associates, including Bill Lowery. The request for Canadian stock was reportedly driven by the fact that the Vancouver Stock Exchange has more relaxed reporting policies than that of U.S. exchanges, making its’ transactions more difficult to follow. Casey also claimed that Lewis asked him to hire Lowery to lobby for his firm, which was seeking federal money to develop technology to convert government documents from paper to a computer-readable format.

Lewis immediately denied these charges. He said, “I have never recommended a lobbyist to any constituent, contractor or anyone seeking federal funds…I have absolutely never told anyone to provide stock options or any other sort of compensation to someone who is their advisor or lobbyist. To do so would be extremely unethical, and it goes entirely against all of my principles of good governing.” [46]

Casey reported to NBC that he never followed through with the stock options, nor hired Lowery to lobby. He and his associates did, however, give $9,253 in political contributions to Lewis in 1993. In return, Casey said that Lewis added funding for Casey’s firm to the federal budget, using exact wording drafted by him. Following his contributions, Casey said that he met with Lewis’ chief of staff, Letitia White, in the basement of the Rayburn House Office Building. In the cafeteria, Casey and White worked on the language which would add a document conversion project to the Pentagon's budget. Lewis admitted supporting funding for Audre Inc., but argued that he did so because the technology showed promise. Over the following four years, Congress appropriated $190 million in earmarks for document conversion into the Pentagon budget, despite the fact that the Pentagon never requested the funding. Casey's firm, Audre Inc., received about $14 million in federal dollars before closing down in 2003. [47]

Earmarks

As the head of the House Appropriations Committee, which Abramoff infamously called "the favor factory," Lewis has taken a lot of heat, especially for defending the practice against his more conservative fellow Republicans. Lewis defended earmarking in a February 16, 2006 Washington Times article,

Rep. Jerry Lewis, California Republican and chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, said the Predator unmanned aerial vehicle, used for missile attacks on terrorist lairs, is a shining example of the best of earmarks.
He said the Predator proved its success in Bosnia after he stuck an earmark into a spending bill in the mid-1990s, long before the war on terror.
"We pushed funding by way of an earmark that moved [research and development] way ahead -- two, three years ahead," Mr. Lewis said. "There's little doubt Predator would never have been in Bosnia if we hadn't done that."[48]

While opposing bans or imposed restriction Lewis has favored more transparency in the earmarking process. He has also imposed his own loose internal restrictions on members earmarks coming out of his committee,

Appropriations Chairman Jerry Lewis (R-Calif.) directed each of the cardinals [Appropriations subcommittee heads] to set limits for their specific subcommittees, with the bulk of the panels setting that ceiling at five requests per lawmaker.
Among those panels allowing more was the Labor, Health and Human Services and Education subcommittee, which restricted members to 10 requests.[49]

On June 14, 2006, Redstate.com reported that in both 2005 and 2006, House transportation appropriations bills included $250,000 for construction and renovation of a city pool in Banning, California. [50] This finding led to outrage from Rep. Jeff Flake (R-AZ). He said, "It's just ridiculous. Cities ought to pay for their own pools." [51]

On June 29, 2006, the San Bernardino Sun reported that a top technology firm, ESRI, has received a subpoena in the ongoing investigation into Lewis (R-Calif.) and his ties to Copeland Lowery Jacquez Denton & White. From 2001 to 2006, Lewis "earmarked more than $90 million for ESRI projects that included defense intelligence systems such as database mapping to assist in rebuilding war-torn Iraq." From 2000 to 2005 ESRI paid the Lowery firm $360,000 in fees to lobby Congress. [52]

On August 15, 2006, Lewis defended the practice of earmarking during a visit to Mt. San Jacinto Community College in Menifee, California. The college had recently received a $1.49 million federal grant (from a Lewis earmark) to help expand their nursing program. Lewis stated, "One of our jobs (in Congress) is to help California and my district get as much of their money back as possible." He continued by arguing that earmarks comprise less than 1 percent of the $900 billion in federal funding that passes through the House Appropriations Committee. [53]

In September of 2006, Lewis announced his opposition to a House resolution that would require the identification of earmarks' sponsors in tax, authorization, and appropriations bills, believing it to unfairly target members of the Appropriations Committee, which he chairs. [54]

Cerberus

According to USA Today, Lewis, after attending a fundraiser for the New York-based hedge fund, Cerberus Capital Management, came to fund's aid by saving a defense contract that was slated to be eliminated. USA Today reported, "One day after a New York investment group raised $110,000 for Republican Rep. Jerry Lewis, the House passed a defense spending bill that preserved $160 million for a Navy project critical to the firm."[55] Lewis, who saved the program by passing it through his Defense Appropriations subcommittee, continued to receive PAC contributions from Cerberus and those connected to the fund like former Vice President Dan Quayle. In 2004 Lewis was aiming to win the coveted Appropriations Chair and furiously raised money to spread around to showcase his abililty to provide cash for candidates.[56] His political action committee, Future Leader's PAC, paid out $407,000 to 69 candidates in 2004 with a third of that money originating from Cerberus. The previous year Future Leader's PAC pulled in $522,725 - a quarter of it coming from Cerberus.[57]

Lewis has denied any wrong doing declaring his innocence in a statement, "It is absolutely and unequivocally false to suggest that any decision on funding for the Navy-Marine Corps Intranet was in any way based on a lobbyist's request, or as a favor to someone who was donating campaign funds."[58]

Military Aide

Lewis' aide in charge of tracking defense appropriations "is a military officer on the Pentagon's payroll, an apparent violation of House rules and a possible conflict of interest"[59]. Department of Defense regulations state that military personnel can work on committee staffs but not on the personal staff of an individual member. Lewis' aide, Marine Lt. Col. Michael Kime, has apparently worked for Lewis since 2001 while being on the Pentagon payroll. Congressional watchdogs call Kime's role a conflict of interest and defense experts state that his position may give the Marines greater leverage over contracts and earmarks in the Appropriations Committee.

On February 22, 2006 The Hill reported that the Pentagon was recalling Kime from Lewis's office. Kime's "service for Lewis appeared to violate the Members' Congressional Handbook issued by the Committee for House Administration, which defines a detailee as a 'non-congressional federal employee assigned to a committee for a period of up to one year.' The handbook also states that 'detailees may not be assigned to a member office' and cites the relevant section of U.S. law: 2 USC Section 72a(f)."[60]

Profitable investment

In early 2005, Lewis was given the opportunity to purchase stock in Security Bank of California. In less than two years, Lewis’ $22,000 investment grew to nearly $60,000. The profitable investment is controversial for several reasons. First, Lewis has a close friendship with James Robinson, chairman of the bank. In addition, several board members have contributed to his campaigns and are linked to businesses which have benefited from federal money generated by Lewis’ earmarks. One member, Bruce Varner, also sits on the board of the National Orange Show Events Center in San Bernardino, which has received more than $800,000 in federal funds.

The stock was recommended to Lewis by Robinson, whose wife, Barbara, is a former chair and member of the board of the Loma Linda University Children's Hospital Foundation. The center has benefited tremendously from Lewis, who has helped direct more than $200 million in federal money to it.

House ethics rules prohibit members from using their position for personal gain. Fred Wertheimer, president of Democracy 21, a watchdog group which focuses on the influence of money in politics, believes members must avoid receiving preferential treatment when given access to initial public offerings of stock.

Robinson argued that Lewis received one of 1,500 invitations sent to potential investors, but that anyone who contacted the bank could receive offering documents. When asked why Lewis was one of the 1,500, he stated that it had no connection to the medical center. Rather, he cited Lewis’ reputation as a well-established local businessman as the motivating factor. [61]

On the same day Lewis invested in the company, his campaign committee also purchased $25,000 worth of stock in the bank. While campaign committees are legally allowed to make stock purchases, some campaign finance experts have commented that the practice is highly questionable. Bob Stern, president of the Los Angeles-based Center for Governmental Studies, said, "It is very unusual for a campaign to be investing in a stock offering...It is very risky. You shouldn't be gambling with your campaign money." In a statement, a Lewis spokeswoman said the purchase was properly disclosed in FEC filings, but offered no explanation as to why the committee chose to invest in the stock. [62]

Land deal under investigation

On September 6, 2006, it was reported that federal investigators were looking into a land deal which protected nearly 41 acres in Lewis’ neighborhood from developers. The land was given to the city of Redlands by Jack and Laura Dangermond. The couple, who founded and operate Environmental Systems Research, Inc., have received tens of millions of dollars in government contracts from the House Appropriations Committee that Lewis chairs. Protecting the land from development keeps property values high, as it is part of a scenic canyon. [63]

Legal fees

On July 15, 2006, campaign finance documents released by Lewis’ campaign office revealed that he had spent $200,000 of his campaign contributions on legal expenses. Specifically, the money was spent to hire Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP, a law firm that specializes in crisis management and represents both individuals and firms accused of white-collar crimes. [64] As of October 2006, Lewis had spent $800,000 on legal fees. [65]

Appropriations committee staff firings

On October 16, 2006, Lewis fired all sixty of the House Appropriations Committee's contract investigators. See the article on the committee for full details. [66] [67]

Violation of election laws

On February 15, 2007, The Hill newspaper reported that the Federal Election Commission planned to review whether Lewis’s campaign committee violated election laws by failing to disclose contributions within a 48-hour deadline. The FEC sent Lewis’s committee a letter back in January requesting additional information on items in its post-general filing. [68]

The letter sent by the FEC reached Lewis while the FBI reportedly is currently investigating Lewis concerning links between campaign contributions and congressional earmarks. [69]

“The FEC regards the failure to file a 48-hour report as a serious violation because it means that identity of the contributor won’t be disclosed until after the election is over,” a campaign-finance expert at Vorys, Sater, Seymour & Pease, Brett Kappel, said. [70]

Lewis spokesman Jim Specht said the FEC’s letter has been turned over to the law firm of Williams & Jensen for review. Lewis “prides himself on filing as accurately and timely as possible,” Specht said. “He will certainly push [the law firm] to clean up any reporting problems as quickly as possible.” [71]

National security and foreign policy

In 2005 Lewis sponsored the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Defense, the Global War on Terror, and Tsunami Relief. The bill, among other things, included $308 million for armor plating for Humvees and add-on armor kits. The bill also included an additional $318 million for force protection measures. The bill was passed by the House and Senate and later signed into law on May 11, 2005.

Main article: Congressional Actions Providing Body Armor to Troops

Biography

Lewis was born October 21, 1934 in Seattle, Washington, and was educated at University of California, Los Angeles. He worked as an insurance agent in the Redlands, then as a staff member for Representative Jerry Pettis and was elected to the California State Assembly in 1968, at the age of 34. He was elected to the House in 1978 after the incumbent congressman retired.

In 1980 Lewis received a seat on the Appropriations committee, which he now chairs. According to the 2006 Almanac of American Politics, Lewis "has been unapologetic about channeling funds into his district." The Loma Linda University medical center received $26 million in 2000; the Perris Hill Plunge, inva swimming pool that Lewis once worked at as a lifeguard, received $1 million for renovations; the Jerry Lewis Community Center got $1 million; he brought in $40 million for national forest protection and emergency watershed protection in 2003; $13.7 million for a dining hall at Twentynine Palms [72], the world's largest Marine Corps base; and countless other projects.

In the 1980s Lewis vied for leadership posts with an "accomodationship attitude toward Democrats." He was the Republican Research Committee chairman in 1984, the chairman of the Republican Policy Committee in 1986, and Republican Conference chairman in 1988. Eventually, he ran up against the ambitious Newt Gingrich who resented Lewis' attitude toward Democrats. Gingrich catapulted into the Minority Whip post after Rep. Dick Cheney was appointed Secretary of Defense and then pushed Lewis out of the Conference chairmanship by supporting Rep. Dick Armey in 1992.

2006 elections

In 2006, the Democrats nominated Louie Contreras to face Lewis in his November 2006 bid for reelection. (See U.S. congressional elections in 2006) [73] Lewis won the election fairly decisively.

Committees and Affiliations

Committees

  • House Committee on Appropriations, Ranking Member
    • Subcommittee on Agriculture -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice and Science -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Defense -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Energy and Water -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Financial Services -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Homeland Security -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Interior and Environment -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Legislative Branch -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Military Construction, Veterans’ Affairs -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations -Ex Officio
    • Subcommittee on Transportation, Treasury, Housing and Urban Development -Ex Officio

Committee assignments in the 109th Congress (2005-2006)

More Background Data

Wikipedia also has an article on Jerry Lewis. This article may use content from the Wikipedia article under the terms of the GFDL. Wikipedia also has a separate article on the relationship of Jerry Lewis to lobbyist Bill Lowery and Lowery's lobbying firm

Contact

DC Office:
2112 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515-0541
Phone: 202-225-5861
Fax: 202-225-6498
Web Email
Website

District Office- Redlands:
1150 Brookside Avenue, Suite J-5
Redlands, CA 92373-6314
Phone: 909-862-6030
TollFree: 800-233-1700
Fax: 909-335-9155

Articles and resources

Sources

  1. Roll call vote, Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002.

Articles

Resources

Local blogs and discussion sites

Corresponding article on Wikipedia and Cause Caller. (If Cause Caller link does not work, pick from its list of senators and representatives.)

Current Office: U.S. House of Representatives
111th Congress
Leadership Position:
Committees Chaired:
Committees,
Ranking Member On:

Caucuses:
Committees:
110th Congress
Leadership Position:
None
Committees Chaired:
Committees,
Ranking Member On:

Caucuses:
Committees: House Committee on Appropriations, House Select Intelligence Oversight Panel
Congressional Career
First Elected to Current Office:
November 7, 1978
First Took Current Office:
January 3, 1979
Next Election:
November 2, 2010
Term Ends:
Freshman Member?
No
Previous Political Work?
California State Assembly, San Bernadino School Board
Other Party Membership:
District Offices:
1. 1150 Brookside Avenue, Suite J-5, Redlands, CA 92373-6314
Phone: 909-862-6030 / Fax: 909-335-9155





Campaign Contact:

Website:
Webform Email: / Email:

Campaign Offices:

1.
Phone: / Fax:



Zip Code Affiliations:
Misc:

Date of Birth: October 21, 1934