National Security Strategy

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The National Security Strategy of the United States is "based on a distinctly American internationalism that reflects the union of our values and our national interests. The aim of this strategy is to help make the world not just safer but better." [1]

National Security Strategies


U.S. Department of State, "National Security Strategy 2006," released by the White House March 16, 2006.

  • "The fourth through seventh words are, I kid you not: [2]
"'America is at war.'
"'America will continue to pre-emptively attack its enemies and Iran is now the greatest danger facing the United States', George Bush announced today in a new version of his National Security Strategy." [3]
  • "The N.S.S. is required by law to be issued to Congress by the president on a yearly basis, but the new report is the first one to be delivered since 2002. The delay was due to the Iraq intervention, which embroiled the administration in responding to immediate situations and rendered the direction of future policy uncertain -- pending the outcome of the intervention -- and, more importantly, reflected unreconciled fundamental divisions within the administration over the position of the United States in the global power configuration." --Dr. Michael A. Weinstein, The Power and Interest News Report, March 16, 2006.
  • "The release of the US National Security Strategy should have laid out an overview of the country's defense, diplomatic, and security policies. After reading through the report, some wonder if the policies actually exist." --Dr. Michael A. Weinstein observed in The Power and Interest News Report, March 22, 2006.


  • U.S. Department of State, National Security Strategy 2002, released September 2002 by the White House (pdf and html versions).


"Since the end of World War II, the strategic aim of the United States has been to be the military guarantor of the capitalist market system. ...

The most important consequence of the Iraq intervention for American power is the release of tendencies toward multi-polarism on the part of great powers like China, Russia and -- to a lesser extent -- the Franco-German combine. The second global consequence is the increased difficulty of containing states and movements that fall outside the order of globalization -- specifically, the two other members of the "Axis of Evil" -- Iran and North Korea -- and the stateless movement of Islamic revolution.
Part of the rationale for pre-emptive war in the American National Security Strategy of 2002 was to diminish the threats from other "rogue states." The result of the first application of that policy seems to have been the reverse of what was intended.

... As the United States adjusts to its loss of power resulting from the Iraq intervention, its security elites will attempt to recover capability for a policy of regime change and to hold the lines of containment as that diplomatic and military effort proceeds, with -- at present -- uncertain prospects for success. Along the way, Washington will probably find that it has to make some major concessions." --7 June 2004, Dr. Michael A. Weinstein, Power and Interest News Report

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